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Despite its grand ambitions, the Self-strengthening Movement was an abject failure. How should we evaluate it objectively? |
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See answer below. |
The concept of Zhongti Xiyong (中體西用) meaning pursuing “Chinese learning for substance, Western learning for practical application” encapsulated the view that education should be oriented around Chinese knowledge. It accepted that Western knowledge was worth learning but useful only on a technical level. While this approach was not fully developed during the Self-strengthening Movement, it nevertheless served as the guiding principle throughout all of the Qing’s reforms in the early modern era.
The concept first emerged after the Opium War when some began to advocate it, notably Wei Yuan, who proposed “learning the skills that the barbarians excel in so as to subdue them (師夷長技以制夷)” in his 1843 work Illustrated Treatise on the Maritime Kingdoms. Feng Guifen, in his 1861 work Protest from the Jiaobin Dwelling, also proposed “adopting Western methods for enriching and strengthening the country while retaining Chinese morals and the Confucian ethical code”. These formed the basis for the guiding principle that would be adopted by the Western Affairs Camp for the Self-strengthening Movement. Zhang Zhidong, who had many years of experience in dealing with foreign matters, expounded this theory in Exhortation to Learn, a well-known publication released in 1898 (when the Self-strengthening Movement had already come to an end following China’s defeat in the First Sino-Japanese War). “Chinese learning for substance, Western learning for practical application” was a view consistently reiterated throughout the piece, forming a relatively complete theoretical system. It was highly regarded by the government and influenced China’s subsequent reforms. However, it failed to deal with and reconcile the differences between Chinese and Western cultures. As a result, whenever a conflict arose between the two during reform movements, proponents of the more modern and advanced approach usually ended up having to yield to those with more conservative views. This seriously hampered the progress.
Many among the bureaucrats were opposed outright to Western affairs and often ridiculed the Western Affairs Camp. Even Yixin (奕訢), also known as Prince Gong (恭親王), the leader of the Western Affairs Camp, was not immune to such attacks despite his eminence. As the sixth son of Emperor Daoguang (道光帝), Yixin was given the derogatory nickname “Sixth Ghost” (鬼子六) - ghost (guizi) being the ethnic slur used to refer to foreigners - by the conservative high-ranking officials who were against Western influence. The insult to Prince Gong showed how powerful the conservative faction was.
While the Wusong Railway was built by a British company without obtaining the necessary authorisation, it operated smoothly after construction and was able to generate a profit, so the government could have used it properly to benefit the people and the nation. Unfortunately, after it came into operation, the railway drew the ire of the locals, who accused it of disturbing the peaceful atmosphere of the region and damaging the ancestral graves. In the end, after running for just 16 months, the Qing government had to purchase the railway for 285,000 silver taels only to dismantle it.
In 1880, the first telegraph line in China was laid between Dagu (大沽) and Tianjin (天津). It started to relay messages the following year and as the network gradually expanded to other parts of China, more new branches were set up. In Taizhou, however, the establishment of a telegraph office led to widespread panic due to rumours claiming that the telegraph system would be powered by electricity generated from ghosts. The government had to quash the rumours quickly.
In his letter to Li Hongzhang, Sun Yat-sen criticised the Self-strengthening Movement. He argued that the prosperity and prowess of European countries did not just lie in their possession of powerful warships and cannons, but also in their ability to make the best use of every talent, tap the potential of every piece of land, ensure everything serves its purpose, and open markets for their goods. These, he said, were the four cardinal principles for running the country. While China wished to launch grand plans and was working diligently towards a long-term goal by emulating the West to pursue strength and wealth, it saw little urgency in embracing these four principles but simply strove to acquire powerful warships and cannons. In so doing it lost sight of what was important while pursuing the trivial. Unfortunately, Sun’s letter was ignored by Li. Shortly afterwards, the First Sino-Japanese War erupted and the Qing military was crushed by the Japanese both on land and at sea, which brought the movement to an end. The turn of events, however, proved Sun’s exceptional knowledge and insight.
Zeng Jize, the son of Zeng Guofan (曾國藩), presented a strong and sound argument in Sino-Russian negotiations to minimise China’s losses. He was commended by the Qing government for his efforts and gained the Western diplomatic community’s respect as well.
Xue Fucheng served as an envoy to Britain, France, Italy, Belgium, and various other countries. His manner, neither overbearing nor servile, won international respect. He also studied the strengths and weaknesses of Western countries diligently, seeking ways to enrich and strengthen China. His work inspired new ideas on changing China in the early modern age.
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Despite its grand ambitions, the Self-strengthening Movement was an abject failure. How should we evaluate it objectively? |
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In the past, some have analysed the Self-strengthening Movement using a Marx-based class analysis. This led to their negation of the entire movement, as these researchers tended to denounce the movement’s proponents as compradors, landlords, bureaucrats, and warlords in the service of the foreign invaders. This paradigm is neither fair nor balanced to assess the movement. It completely overlooks the movement’s goal of making China stronger and wealthier, as well as the 30 plus years of service it rendered to China in building a modern industrial sector and cultivating talent. Success or failure should not be the sole criterion for evaluating historical events, nor for judging the people involved as heroes or villains and their actions as right or wrong. Many initiatives taken by the Self-Strengthening Movement - modernising China’s military, importing advanced scientific technologies, establishing industries, forming a national bourgeoisie, and developing new modes of education - were in every sense a forerunner of the later Hundred Days’ Reform and the Late Qing Reforms. The movement also laid down a foundation for the country’s modernisation process in the Republican era and even after the establishment of the People’s Republic of China (PRC). Therefore, its historical influence should be fairly evaluated, not simply dismissed. |
